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From satanic panic to Duterte worship: How fear shapes collective beliefs
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From satanic panic to Duterte worship: How fear shapes collective beliefs

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In 1982, televangelist Paul Crouch made a shocking claim: Led Zeppelin’s song “Stairway to Heaven,” when played backward, contained hidden satanic messages. This so-called satanic backmasking led to a moral panic. Church groups smashed records, politicians proposed laws mandating warning labels on albums, and a wave of mass hysteria swept through society, reinforcing fears of widespread Satan worship. A similar fear gripped the Philippines in the late 1990s with the “white van” myth—that children were being abducted in white vans for satanic rituals. Parents became so terrified that many refused to let their children out at past 6 p.m.

These two events, though unrelated, reveal that our minds search for patterns, even when no real threat exists. This cognitive quirk, which once helped our ancestors survive by detecting danger in rustling leaves or fresh footprints, now fuels modern fears and misinformation.

We see this same psychological tendency at play among former president Rodrigo Duterte’s supporters. The “Bring Duterte Back Home” campaign, featuring mass rallies and coordinated social media campaigns, reflects a belief that Duterte is the only leader capable of protecting the nation. His supporters view him as a savior who eradicated the country’s enemies—drug lords, criminals, and communists.

Duterte’s most ardent supporters believe his drug war was necessary despite evidence showing no long-term reduction in crime. Many adopt an aggressive, us-versus-them mentality, labeling critics as “dilawan” or communist sympathizers. Their rhetoric often mirrors Duterte’s vitriolic speech. They tend to reject critical thinking, relying instead on political vloggers, propaganda, and misinformation.

The concept of brainwashing has evolved—from coercive persuasion to something far more insidious in the digital age. Today, people are shaped by the algorithms of social media, which create echo chambers that reinforce their existing beliefs.

For many Filipinos disillusioned by decades of broken promises, Duterte’s war on drugs provided a clear, tangible action—even if it was brutally executed. This promise of decisive leadership became the foundation of a cult-like following, where loyalty to Duterte is not just political but almost religious.

This phenomenon is an example of “kontra-gahum” or counter-hegemony—a belief system that offers a refuge for sacred values, such as loyalty to Duterte and his political dynasty. His supporters consume only pro-Duterte content, social interactions where their beliefs are reaffirmed, and a shared sense of grievance, convinced that the International Criminal Court investigation is an attack on their leader.

This intense loyalty explains why some supporters have resorted to extreme acts, such as shaving their heads to urge Sara Duterte to run for higher office. For them, any attempt to prosecute Duterte is a political witch hunt, a betrayal by the government. They see themselves as a powerful force, believing Duterte gave them a sense of empowerment—whether as former drug users who turned their lives around or as members of the police and military who received higher salaries during his term.

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Are we merely replacing one form of blind devotion with another? If change is what we desire, then perhaps it is time to break free from the cycle of fear-based allegiance and embrace rational, informed decision-making. Otherwise, we risk falling into yet another era of misplaced worship—one that, this time, is political rather than religious.

Sensei Adorador,

sensei.adorador@gmail.com

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