Blast from the past
In January 1970, then President Ferdinand E. Marcos Sr. intervened in a battle for leadership in the Lower House. A week into the New Year and his second term in office as president, it was business as usual. The Official Gazette for Jan. 6, 1970, listed the callers of the day: Cabinet members led by the secretary of foreign affairs, who introduced the first ambassador of the Kingdom of Afghanistan to the Philippines, and the chair of the golden jubilee committee of the Boy Scouts of the Philippines. He awarded trophies, medals, and plaques on the 14th anniversary of the Presidential Arm on Community Development. Not in the Official Gazette are his diary entries that resonate in our day:
“Monching Durano, Uging Navarro, Floring Crisologo, Ali Dimaporo, and Joe Alberto came to see me as they want to change [Jose B.] Laurel as Speaker of the House. He has been criticizing me again, and so has his brother, Doy Laurel, who wants to run for President in 1973. I have given permission for them and their groups, which would be controlling, not to attend the caucuses called by Speaker Laurel.
“However, we would have more problems if Laurel is deposed as Speaker. But we will keep him after we have clarified the position they (he and his CEPO [Congressional Economic Planning Office]) have taken on the apparently socialist and communist policies they are pronouncing under the guise of nationalism and the unjustified criticisms of his brother.
“The same is true in the Senate. Sen. Jose Roy, President Pro Tempore, seeks the presidency. In the coming constitutional convention, we must make the VP the presiding officer of the Senate if the bicameral system is retained.
“But the presidency of the party should go to Roy now.
“It is unhealthy for the members of Congress to depend on the President to decide their internal problems, like the election of the presiding officers.”
Two days later, Jan. 8, 1970, Marcos noted that House Speaker Laurel and Senate President Gil Puyat sought his support for their candidates. Next day, the diary entry opens with: “Laurel and Puyat and even [Cornelio] Villareal say: ‘There is only one elector we have to campaign for and win—and he is Malacañang.’”
Entries in the Official Gazette are the bare bones of history; the meat lies in other sources that provide background or context to the public acts of the president. For example, a breakfast meeting is documented, but the details are in the President’s diary:
“Breakfast with Speaker Laurel, Speaker Pro Tempore Jose Aldeguer, and Majority Floor Leader Marcelino Veloso. Told him of the drift towards the Left and the fear of political leaders, businessmen, and the military that we are not taking steps to prevent it but are instead encouraging it. He has agreed to remove Emmanuel Yap, head of Cepo, and his next in rank, [Alejandro] Lichauco.
“Then met with former Speaker Villareal and [Appropriations] Chairman Jose Alberto, who agreed that we call a Nacionalista House Members caucus on Tuesday, Jan. 13th 10:00 a.m. at [Bahay] Pangarap. I intend to interview the different blocs and see who is supported by the majority.
“But we must not allow the Nacionalista Party to split up on these rivalries. We must keep our old cohesion. So I also intend to call Pres. Pro Temp. Jose Roy, rival of Pres. Puyat for the Presidency of the Senate.”
Jan. 10, 1970, was described by Marcos as “a day of many decisions” prompted by news that “Laurel is beginning to buy votes for the Speakership. He has called a caucus on Sunday for this purpose.
“… The groups supporting ex-Speaker Villareal for speakership have asked me to remain neutral in the speakership fight and will take this stand in the caucus next Tuesday. The reasons they ([Nicanor] Yñiguez who has withdrawn at my prompting, Miling Espinosa, Joe Alberto, and Floring Crisologo) gave for opposing Laurel is that Banjo Laurel, mayor of Tanauan and son of the Speaker, has been withdrawing funds from the House, signed by [Salvador] Encinas, chairman of the Committee on accounts and monopolizes all contracts of the House.”
Before the Jan. 14 caucus, Villareal had gathered 67 signatures prompting Marcos to write: “If I do not help Pepito Laurel, he will lose the speakership fight.” On Jan. 14, Marcos convinced allied congressmen to maintain Laurel as Speaker, but he had to announce “for the consumption of the public that we could not intervene in purely internal matters of the House, unless the House members themselves asked us to personally intervene.”
“After this, I called a conference of Cong. Ramon Durano, Nicanor Yniguez, Ali Dimaporo, Uging Navarro, Joe Alberto, Miling Espinosa, and Floring Crisologo to tell them that, inasmuch as they are the leaders of Ex-Speaker Villareal, it was their duty to inform him of my decision and that the most ideal situation would be for Villareal to withdraw. Then I asked Villareal and Laurel to come into the conference room and notified each in turn of my efforts to prevent an open fight.”
Things were settled quietly and gentlemanly in the past. How did our politics sink to record lows?
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