Four-day workweek: Where is the evidence?
President Marcos’ recent announcement of a four-day workweek arrangement for parts of the public sector has quickly stirred debate. The move aims to respond to the anticipated oil shortage triggered by the war in the Middle East. But critics worry about disruptions in public service delivery and the impact on contractual employees, whose pay and schedules may not easily adjust to compressed work arrangements.
The most striking feature of the policy is the absence of a visible evidence base behind it. The Philippines is not short of research on transportation and mobility. Over the past two decades, government agencies, universities, and international partners have produced extensive studies on Metro Manila’s congestion and its impact on productivity. Yet these studies have barely figured in the public justification for the new policy.
One of the most widely cited figures linked to the Japan International Cooperation Agency (Jica) is the estimate that traffic delays cost the economy about P2.4 billion daily, with losses potentially reaching P6 billion per day if no improvements were made. Cost estimates are often quoted to dramatize the current predicament. One senator mentions P3.5 billion. But it is frequently misunderstood. It measures the economic cost of congestion, not the likely effect of a specific policy such as a four-day workweek.
More detailed studies point to a deeper structural issue. Jica’s transport analyses show that public transportation carries 60 percent of commuter trips in Metro Manila but occupies only 25 percent of road space, while private vehicles dominate road capacity despite carrying far fewer passengers.
Even more revealing are statistics on travel time. Between 2012 and 2020, the number of daily trips in Metro Manila rose from about 12.8 million to 16.2 million. Yet the total number of person-hours spent traveling exploded—from roughly 15 million to more than 40 million each day. Filipinos are not merely traveling more. They are spending far more time stuck in traffic. Those lost hours represent lost productivity, higher business costs, and diminished quality of life.
Research by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies (PIDS) adds another layer to the diagnosis. Traffic congestion is not only an infrastructure problem; it is also a governance problem, linked to fragmented transport regulation, inefficient bus operations, and weak traffic management.
These findings suggest that traffic congestion cannot be solved simply by adjusting work schedules. A compressed workweek might slightly reduce commuting demand on certain days, but it does not address the deeper design problems of Metro Manila’s transport system.
If anything, the more relevant evidence lies in studies on telecommuting and flexible work arrangements. Research conducted during and after the pandemic show that remote work can significantly reduce commuting time and energy use, especially for workers who travel long distances to work. The policy question, therefore, should be more precise: Which workers and sectors benefit most when commuting is reduced? Without answering that question, a blanket scheduling policy risks becoming a blunt instrument.
The Metro Manila Development Authority, the National Center for Transportation Studies, and PIDS have produced extensive research on congestion and mobility. These institutions have been deeply involved in major planning exercises such as the Jica-supported Comprehensive Traffic Management Plan for Metro Manila. Yet there has been little public indication that these institutions were consulted before the policy was announced. That matters. Evidence-based policymaking requires transparent consultation with technical experts, especially when policies affect millions of commuters and workers.
Other countries that are confronting fuel price volatility have relied on more targeted measures. Japan has cushioned price spikes through fuel subsidies and tax adjustments. South Korea has extended temporary fuel tax cuts to reduce consumer costs. Taiwan has relied on strategic reserves and price stabilization mechanisms. Singapore has used regulatory tools and targeted assistance programs to stabilize transport costs.
These responses show a systematic reliance on data, institutions, and targeted interventions. The Philippines has the capacity to do the same. The research exists. The institutions exist. What is missing is the visible integration of that knowledge into policymaking.
Before the four-day workweek policy becomes entrenched or expanded, the government should commission a rapid evaluation of its effects. Are traffic patterns changing? Do commute times fall? Does fuel consumption decline? Does government productivity improve? Public policy should not be judged only by its intentions, but by its results. The Marcos administration must demonstrate how evidence, expertise, and transparent analysis can guide national decision-making.
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